The Secretary of State for the Colonies has given renewed
consideration to the existing political situation in Palestine, with a very
earnest desire to arrive at a settlement of the outstanding questions which have
given rise to uncertainty and unrest among certain sections of the population.
After consultation with the High Commissioner for Palestine [Sir Herbert Samuel]
the following statement has been drawn up. It summarizes the essential parts of
the correspondence that has already taken place between the Secretary of State
and a delegation from the Moslem Christian Society of
Palestine, which has been for some time in England, and it states the
further conclusions which have since been reached.
The tension which has prevailed from time to time in
Palestine is mainly due to apprehensions, which are entertained both by sections
of the Arab and by sections of the Jewish population. These apprehensions, so
far as the Arabs are concerned are partly based upon exaggerated interpretations
of the meaning of the [Balfour] Declaration favoring the establishment of a
Jewish National Home in Palestine, made on behalf of His Majesty's Government on
2nd November, 1917.
Unauthorized statements have been made to the effect that
the purpose in view is to create a wholly Jewish Palestine. Phrases have been
used such as that Palestine is to become "as Jewish as England is
English." His Majesty's Government regard any such expectation as
impracticable and have no such aim in view. Nor have they at any time
contemplated, as appears to be feared by the Arab delegation, the disappearance
or the subordination of the Arabic population, language, or culture in
Palestine. They would draw attention to the fact that the terms of the
Declaration referred to do not contemplate that Palestine as a whole should be
converted into a Jewish National Home, but that such a Home should be founded
`in Palestine.' In this connection it has been observed with satisfaction that
at a meeting of the Zionist Congress, the supreme governing body of the Zionist
Organization, held at Carlsbad in September, 1921, a resolution was passed
expressing as the official statement of Zionist aims "the determination of
the Jewish people to live with the Arab people on terms of unity and mutual
respect, and together with them to make the common home into a flourishing
community, the up-building of which may assure to each of its peoples an
undisturbed national development."
It is also
necessary to point out that the Zionist Commission in Palestine, now termed the
Palestine Zionist Executive, has not desired to possess, and does not possess,
any share in the general administration of the country. Nor does the special
position assigned to the Zionist Organization in Article IV of the Draft Mandate
for Palestine imply any such functions. That special position relates to the
measures to be taken in Palestine affecting the Jewish population, and
contemplates that the organization may assist in the general development of the
country, but does not entitle it to share in any degree in its government.
Further, it is contemplated that the status of all citizens
of Palestine in the eyes of the law shall be Palestinian, and it has never been
intended that they, or any section of them, should possess any other juridical
status. So far as the Jewish population of Palestine are concerned it appears
that some among them are apprehensive that His Majesty's Government may depart
from the policy embodied in the Declaration of 1917. It is necessary, therefore,
once more to affirm that these fears are unfounded, and that that Declaration,
re affirmed by the Conference of the Principle Allied Powers at San Remo and
again in the Treaty of Sevres, is not susceptible of change.
During the last two or three generations the Jews have
recreated in Palestine a community, now numbering 80,000, of whom about one
fourth are farmers or workers upon the land. This community has its own
political organs; an elected assembly for the direction of its domestic
concerns; elected councils in the towns; and an organization for the control of
its schools. It has its elected Chief Rabbinate and Rabbinical Council for the
direction of its religious affairs. Its business is conducted in Hebrew as a
vernacular language, and a Hebrew Press serves its needs. It has its distinctive
intellectual life and displays considerable economic activity. This community,
then, with its town and country population, its political, religious, and social
organizations, its own language, its own customs, its own life, has in fact
"national" characteristics. When it is asked what is meant by the
development of the Jewish National Home in Palestine, it may be answered that it
is not the imposition of a Jewish nationality upon the inhabitants of Palestine
as a whole, but the further development of the existing Jewish community, with
the assistance of Jews in other parts of the world, in order that it may become
a center in which the Jewish people as a whole may take, on grounds of religion
and race, an interest and a pride. But in order that this community should have
the best prospect of free development and provide a full opportunity for the
Jewish people to display its capacities, it is essential that it should know
that it is in Palestine as of right and not on the sufferance. That is the
reason why it is necessary that the existence of a Jewish National Home in
Palestine should be internationally guaranteed, and that it should be formally
recognized to rest upon ancient historic connection.
This, then, is the interpretation which His Majesty's
Government place upon the Declaration of 1917, and, so understood, the Secretary
of State is of opinion that it does not contain or imply anything which need
cause either alarm to the Arab population of Palestine or disappointment to the
Jews.
For the fulfillment of this policy it is necessary that the
Jewish community in Palestine should be able to increase its numbers by
immigration. This immigration cannot be so great in volume as to exceed whatever
may be the economic capacity of the country at the time to absorb new arrivals.
It is essential to ensure that the immigrants should not be a burden upon the
people of Palestine as a whole, and that they should not deprive any section of
the present population of their employment. Hitherto the immigration has
fulfilled these conditions. The number of immigrants since the British
occupation has been about 25,000.
It is necessary also to ensure that persons who are
politically undesirable be excluded from Palestine, and every precaution has
been and will be taken by the Administration to that end.
It is intended that a special committee should be established in Palestine, consisting entirely of members of the new Legislative Council elected by the people, to confer with the administration upon matters relating to the regulation of immigration. Should any difference of opinion arise between this committee and the Administration, the matter will be referred to His Majesty's Government, who will give it special consideration. In addition, under Article 81 of the draft Palestine Order in Council, any religious community or considerable section of the population of Palestine will have a general right to appeal, through the High Commissioner and the Secretary of State, to the League of Nations on any matter on which they may consider that the terms of the Mandate are not being fulfilled by the Government of Palestine.
With reference to the Constitution which it is now intended
to establish in Palestine, the draft of which has already been published, it is
desirable to make certain points clear. In the first place, it is not the case,
as has been represented by the Arab Delegation, that during the war His
Majesty's Government gave an undertaking that an independent national government
should be at once established in Palestine. This representation mainly rests
upon a letter dated the 24th October, 1915, from Sir Henry McMahon, then His
Majesty's High Commissioner in Egypt, to the Sharif of Mecca, now King Hussein
of the Kingdom of the Hejaz. That letter is quoted as conveying the promise to
the Sherif of Mecca to recognize and support the independence of the Arabs
within the territories proposed by him. But this promise was given subject to a
reservation made in the same letter, which excluded from its scope, among other
territories, the portions of Syria lying to the west of the District of
Damascus. This reservation has always been regarded by His Majesty's Government
as covering the vilayet of Beirut and the independent Sanjak of Jerusalem. The
whole of Palestine west of the Jordan was thus excluded from Sir Henry McMahon's
pledge.
Nevertheless, it is the intention of His Majesty's
government to foster the establishment of a full measure of self-government in
Palestine. But they are of the opinion that, in the special circumstances of
that country, this should be accomplished by gradual stages and not suddenly.
The first step was taken when, on the institution of a Civil Administration, the
nominated Advisory Council, which now exists, was established. It was stated at
the time by the High Commissioner that this was the first step in the
development of self governing institutions, and it is now proposed to take a
second step by the establishment of a Legislative Council containing a large
proportion of members elected on a wide franchise. It was proposed in the
published draft that three of the members of this Council should be non official
persons nominated by the High Commissioner, but representations having been made
in opposition to this provision, based on cogent considerations, the Secretary
of State is prepared to omit it. The legislative Council would then consist of
the High Commissioner as President and twelve elected and ten official members.
The Secretary of State is of the opinion that before a further measure of
self-government is extended to Palestine and the Assembly placed in control over
the Executive, it would be wise to allow some time to elapse. During this period
the institutions of the country will have become well established; its financial
credit will be based on firm foundations, and the Palestinian officials will
have been enabled to gain experience of sound methods of government. After a few
years the situation will be again reviewed, and if the experience of the working
of the constitution now to be established so warranted, a larger share of
authority would then be extended to the elected representatives of the people.
The Secretary of State would point out that already the
present administration has transferred to a Supreme Council elected by the
Moslem community of Palestine the entire control of Moslem Religious endowments
(Waqfs), and of the Moslem religious Courts. To this Council the
Administration has also voluntarily restored considerable revenues derived from
ancient endowments which have been sequestrated by the Turkish Government. The
Education Department is also advised by a committee representative of all
sections of the population, and the Department of Commerce and Industry has the
benefit of the co operation of the Chambers of Commerce which have been
established in the principal centers. It is the intention of the Administration
to associate in an increased degree similar representative committees with the
various Departments of the Government.
The Secretary of State believes that a policy upon these lines, coupled with the maintenance of the fullest religious liberty in Palestine and with scrupulous regard for the rights of each community with reference to its Holy Places, cannot but commend itself to the various sections of the population, and that upon this basis may be built up that a spirit of cooperation upon which the future progress and prosperity of the Holy Land must largely depend.